"Wenn die Eliten eine Einigung anstreben, muß die Volksbewegung aktiv bleiben"

Eine Einigung über die Aufteilung der Regierungsmacht durch zwei Blöcke der Elite, die über die Interessen der Bevölkerung hinweggeht - so sieht Lucia Matibenga die Gefahr der gegenwärtigen Situation in Harare. Sie ist Vizepräsidentin des Gewerkschaftsbundes ZCTU und gab auf der Solidaritätskonferenz in Südafrika eine entsprechende Analyse - die auch jetzt, da die Verhandlungen beider Blöcke aktuell gescheitert sind, noch wichtig bleibt für das Verständnis der Ereignisse in Zimbabwe. Der Beitrag "On Zim popular solidarity" vom 10. August 2008 gibt die Sichtweise von wesentlichen Strömungen der Gewerkschaften und der sozialen Bewegungen des Landes wieder.

On Zim popular solidarity

Speech by the ZCTU 1st Vice-President, Mrs. L.G. Matibenga to the Zimbabwe and Swaziland Solidarity Conference held from the 10th - 11th of August 2008 in Midrand – South Africa

The working people’s Convention of February 28 1999 brought about the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The said convention came about as a build up from the constitutional debate which had started in 1997 as well as the strength of the trade unions (ZCTU) which were mobilizing their members against the government policies which were anti-people e.g. (ESAP) Economic Structural Adjustment Programme.

In the year 1999 the Government “hijacked” the Constitutional reform process and put together a Constitutional draft, which they put to a referendum in February 2000. The Government lost that poll dismally and it became clear to the government that they had lost the support of the people of Zimbabwe. Faced with general elections in June of 2000, ZANU PF as a party realized that they had lost popularity with the voters therefore they had to play another political card i.e. the land issue which the party had not addressed since independence. The period in the run up to the June 2000 Parliamentary elections was characterized by violent farm invasions targeted at white farmers and farm laborers. Members and supporters of the opposition MDC, Civil Society and Trade Unions were not spared. Murders, torture, destruction of property, rape, wanton arrests and detentions were the order of the day. The results of this chaotic land reform and politically motivated violence were untold suffering of the people who were displaced from their homes and farming activities came to a stand still leading to food shortages. It should be noted that despite the political violence and intimidation and the fact that the MDC was only nine months old, the party (MDC) won (57) fifty-seven out of the (120) one hundred and twenty contested Parliamentary seats.

Meanwhile the Socio-Economic hardships were beginning to be felt by the generality of the people of Zimbabwe Unemployment began to rise, inflation was also rising, food shortages, Health and Education delivery systems began to decline. The Government began to respond to the growing discontent by clamping down on the media and Civil Society Organizations, the Opposition by legislating draconian laws such as POSA and AIPPA.

These two pieces of legislation gave excessive powers to the police in terms of “authorizing” or refusal to allow any public gatherings. The police quashed with brutality any attempts to engage in protest marches by civil society organizations as well as the opposition political parties. Independent daily newspapers such as the Daily News as well as independent radio stations were banned and their printing press and offices were bombed. All these acts of repression and brutality by the regime resulted in hundreds of deaths, destruction of property and rampant human rights abuses.

There was a total breakdown of the rule of law, as the perpetuators of these acts of brutality were never brought to book. The political problems, which started in the year 2000, have over the years developed into a crisis, a crisis which we are living in today. The human rights record of Zimbabwe is now well known within the country, regionally and internationally.

What has been done?

1. Advocacy and Lobbying Civil Society Organizations, the various Trade Unions and the opposition took a deliberate strategy to highlight the problems bedeviling the country as well as documentation of evidence of Human Rights violations to their peers in the region, on the continent and internationally. The independent media played a very important role in this exercise while visits were also undertaken where possible.

Within the Labour Movement there began to be resolutions at the various meetings and foras on the situation in Zimbabwe and Swaziland. Some of our sister organizations such as COSATU, OATUU and the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists of the USA tried to undertake fact-finding missions to Zimbabwe which were thwarted by the authorities in Zimbabwe. Protest letters were written by trade unions the world over whenever there were incidents of workers rights violations in Zimbabwe.

On the political side the SADC leaders at an extra-ordinary summit held in Tanzania tasked President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa to start a mediation process between the two main political parties in Zimbabwe.

This process led to the constitutional amendment number 18 which brought about the harmonized elections of 29 March 2008, which were held in a seemingly conducive environment. However there were attempts by the regime to tilt the scales in its favour by amending some electoral laws contrary to some provisions of amendment number 18.

Admittedly the incidents of violence and intimidation before and during the March elections were very few. The opposition together clinched 110 Lower House seats while ZANU PF got 99 seats. In the upper House the Opposition and ZANU PF got 30 seats each of the 60 contested seats. The results of the Presidential election took more than a month to be announced and thereafter the results were such that there was no clear winner hence the need for a run-off.

It is now common knowledge that the period in the run-up to the June 27 run-off elections was marred with unprecedented violence, which resulted in murders, torture, severe injuries, destruction of property, arrests and detentions. Thousands of opposition members and supporters were displaced from their homes, especially those who had been election agents in the March 29 elections. Given this violent situation the MDC presidential candidate pulled out of the election. However the one-man race carried on, with the results being announced promptly after poll.

Mugabe was sworn in as President of Zimbabwe two days after polling, despite the wide condemnation of the election by the various observer missions. This situation or turn of events prompted the resumption of the Mbeki mediation process, which later saw the signing of an MOU between ZANU PF and MDC.

Meanwhile CSO’s and Trade Unions began to debate and make suggestions on the way forward. A commonly shared position is that of having a Transitional Authority led by a Neutral person to prepare for free and fair Presidential elections within a period not exceeding two years.

What needs to be done?

The biggest challenge that we face is that this whole crisis has been reduced and trivialized to mean that it is just about a power sharing deal between the two major political parties. It is normal for politicians to seek “negative peace” or superficial peace i.e. the visible violence stops therefore there is peace. The elite are building bridges by this power-sharing deal while excluding the concerns of the grassroots. This arrangement is likely to fail to bring about a lasting solution to the crisis.

To this end I think it is important for CSO’s and trade Unions to do the following; ? Continue to mobilize our constituents nationally, regionally and internationally by sharing information in order to build a people to people solidarity based on understanding each other’s problem; ? Begin to have debates around translating the existing solidarity messages and protest letters into concrete solidarity actions with the people of Zimbabwe in order to pressure the politicians into an all inclusive process which takes into account the concerns of the people; ?

Continue to play our watchdog role without fear or favour and profer suggestions for a lasting solution to the crisis. Conclusion In view of my suggestions for the way forward, I would like to thank COSATU for their continued support and solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe and Swaziland. The convening of this conference is indeed a positive step in taking the struggle a gear higher in order to address what more should be done.

It is my sincere hope that indeed United We Stand Divided We Fall

A LUTA CONTINUA

Thank you.